By the 80th anniversary of the revolution of 1905-1907 , on the threshold of the Russian revolution of 1905-1907, when the "lower classes did not want" and the "upper classes could not" "live in the old way"1 , the opposition and liberals noticeably increased-unstable fellow travelers of the real struggle waged by the revolutionary camp. The result of this opposition was the formation of two illegal liberal organizations - the "Union of Zemstvo Constitutionalists", which united some of the landowners, and the" Union of Liberation", which consisted mainly of intellectuals. Liberalism in Russia at that time was very diverse in its programmatic and tactical positions. In general, he was characterized by the desire to lead the country exclusively by peaceful, evolutionary transformation, receiving all the reforms from the hands of the tsar. Both the "Union of Zemstvo Constitutionalists" and the "Union of Liberation"advocated the introduction of a constitution" by the will of the autocrat." But the "Union of Liberation" still considered it necessary to push the tsar to take this step by creating an appropriate public opinion in the country. Describing the future editor of the illegal magazine Osvobozhdeniye, a member of the illegal Union of Osvobozhdeniye, P. B. Struve, V. I. Lenin wrote as early as 1901: "He is a fan of peaceful, gradual, strictly legal development. On the other hand, he wholeheartedly rebels against the autocracy and longs for political freedom."2
The intensity of the liberal opposition of the Osvobozhdeniye party on the eve of 1905 was comparatively high. This was shown in their participation in a joint conference with certain petty-bourgeois revolutionary parties in Paris in September and October 1904, 3 and in the organization of the vol. the organization of the banquet campaign from November 20, 1904, during which solemn banquets adopted resolutions on the introduction of bourgeois-democratic freedoms, representative institutions and the constitution in Russia. "Russia is experiencing a new wave of constitutional movement," Lenin noted in an editorial in the Bolshevik newspaper Vperyod, published two and a half weeks before the revolution began. - The modern generation has never seen anything like the current political revival. Legal newspapers smash the bureaucracy, demand the participation of representatives of the people in public administration, and insist on the need for liberal reforms. All sorts of meetings of zemstvos, doctors, lawyers, engineers, rural landlords, town councillors, etc., etc., pass resolutions that are more or less clearly in favour of the constitution. Everywhere you hear unusually bold, from the point of view of the Russian philistine, political denunciations and passionate speeches about freedom. Liberal meetings are being transformed, under the pressure of workers and radical youth, into open popular meetings and street demonstrations. In broad circles of the proletariat, among the urban and rural poor, a dull ferment is clearly increasing. " 4
In bourgeois historiography, the meaning of "banquet camlania" is extremely exaggerated-
1 Lenin V. I. PSS. Vol. 26, p. 218.
2 Ibid., vol. 5, pp. 53-54.
3 For more information, see: K. F. Chatzillo From the history of the liberation movement in Russia at the beginning of the XX century (On the conference of liberal and revolutionary parties in Paris in September-October 1904). - History of the USSR, 1982, N 4, p. 56.
4 Lenin V. I. PSS. Vol. 9, p. 126.
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it is calculated 5 times . "Although Bloody Sunday is usually regarded as the beginning of the Russian revolution of 1905,"writes J. Fischer, one of the first researchers of Russian liberalism in the West, "the decisive step was taken not on this day, but... in November 1905." 6 He is echoed by S. Galai, who asserts that the revolution " was brought to the end of the Soviet revolution." the movement" precisely by the liberals and that the "Union of Liberation" initiated the liberation movement in Russia, and the Social Democrats "missed the train" 7 . Under the pen of many modern bourgeois authors, the "Union of Liberation" acts as the "hegemon" of the liberation movement in Russia, and not the last role in the chain of "evidence" is played by simply mentioning the fact that the "Osvobozhdeniye Party" organized a "banquet campaign"at the end of 1904. In this case, all these authors are engaged in a simple rehash of equally unsubstantiated statements of Russian liberals .8 Attempts to distort the real course of history, to portray the liberals as the main force of the liberation movement in Russia, are convincingly refuted by facts that confirm the leading role of the proletariat in the struggle against the rotten autocratic regime.
The proposed essay covers the actions of the "Liberation League" at the end of 1904, and above all the "banquet campaign"organized by it. The intensification of the liberals ' "osvobozhdeniye" activities at the end of 1904 was primarily caused by their desire to avoid "upheavals", i.e., revolution. In the opinion of the Osvobozhdeniye party, it was necessary" to exert every effort to ensure that the most organized elements of the country, the zemstvos, would present constitutional demands and that considerable unanimity would be achieved. "9 Taking advantage of the "spring" that came in connection with the replacement of the Interior Minister V. K. Plehve, who was killed by the SRS, with a milder P. D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky, the "Osvobozhdenie" decided to influence the Zemstvo liberals through three legal channels. First, by publishing articles in Pravo magazine that more or less openly insisted on the need to replace the autocracy with a constitutional monarchy. "We do not need reforms, but reform" - this is what the constitution was called in Aesopian language 10 . Secondly, using the traditional liberal means of organizing the submission of a special address to the "highest name" with a request for a constitution. Finally, and thirdly, by facilitating the convocation of a special zemstvo congress that would carry out the constitutional requirement. The Congress was planned to be organized before the beginning of the annual zemstvo meetings, which was to be done by the Bureau of Zemstvo Congresses created in May 1902 on the initiative of two of its members-Pyotr D. Dolgorukov and D. I. Shakhovsky, who were also members of the central governing body of the "Osvobozhdeniye" - the Council of the "Union of Liberation".
On September 20, 1904, a meeting of the Council of the "Union of Liberation" 11 was held in St. Petersburg at the apartment of the "Osvobozhdeniye"V. V. Khizhnyakov, at which a number of important tactical measures were developed. Three members of the Council-I. I. Petrun-
5 Let us mention separately that, while holding the same positions in general, Prof. At Stanford University (USA), T. Emmons, who worked extensively in the Soviet archives and based the study on considerable factual material, made a certain contribution to the historiography of the issue (Eramons T. Russian's Banquet Campaign. - California Slavic Studies, 1977, N 10, pp. 45 - 86).
6 Fisher G. Russian Liberalism. From Gentry to Intelligentsia. Cambridge (Mass.). 1958, p. 194.
7 Galai Sh. The Liberation Movement in Russia 1900 - 1905. Cambridge. 1973, pp. 232, 239, 240. Not all foreign researchers share this point of view (see, in particular, the review of the West German historian K. Frohlich on the book by S. Galai (Jahrbucher fur Geschichte Osteuropas, 1975. Bd. 23. Hf. 1. S. 128) and his work: Frohlich K. The Emergence of Russian Constitutionalism, 1900 - 1904. The Relationship between Social Mobilization in Pre- revolutionary Russia. The Hague. 1981).
8 Petrunkevich I. I. From notes of a public figure. Berlin, 1934, p. 355, etc.
9 Shakhovskoy D. I."Soyuz osvobozhdeniya" [Union of Liberation]. In the collection of Zarnitsy. Issue II, St. Petersburg, 1909, p. 127.
10 The campaign was opened by E. N. Trubetskoy with the article "War and Bureaucracy". The next issue featured the editorial "The Sixties and the upcoming reform", then an article by I. I. Petrunkevich "War and our tasks", then a large article by A. V. Peshekhonov " War and the Fatherland "(Pravo, 1904, NN 39, 40, 41, 46).
11 IRLI, f. 334, op. 1, d. 651, l. 35.
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Koevich, P. N. Novgorodtsev, and D. J. Shakhovsky were each assigned to draft a letter to the tsar on the need for a constitution .12 It was assumed that it would be signed by major zemstvo and public figures (not just zemtsy), and a group of well - known public figures, for which they even came up with the appropriate name - "notable", would give the tsar the address. The Soviet of the Union also decided to convene the Second Congress of the Liberation Union in St. Petersburg a month later, on October 20, 1904, and discuss three reports: S. N. Prokopovich - on tactics in the near future; D. I. Shakhovsky - on the composition and forces of the Union; and Pyotr D. Dolgorukov - on finances. . The organization of the convocation and work of the congress was entrusted to the St. Petersburg "osvobozhdeniye", and Muscovites took care of the "presentation of the most important" address and the holding of the zemstvo congress. On September 22, at a meeting of the osvobozhdeniye group "A" in Moscow, three draft addresses brought by D. I. Shakhovsky were discussed. However, by that time the question of convening a zemstvo congress had received unexpected support from the official authorities. Then they decided to abandon the idea of "notables" and limit themselves to one zemstvo congress in order to submit its resolution recognizing the need to introduce a constitution in Russia for the royal reading. On October 8, a new meeting of the Union's Council was held. They heard S. N. Prokopovich's report to the congress and, in all likelihood, the question of the date of the start of the "banquet campaign". Of the two possible options - to start it before the Zemstvo congress (in order to encourage the zemstvos to make constitutional statements) or after the congress (so as not to contact the Zemstvos, who still do not know what they will decide), we decided on the latter. "Ann [енский] found it necessary that the campaign should be opened by the zemstvos," wrote Shakhovskoy 14 .
On October 20, 21 and 22, 1904, the Second Congress of the "Union of Liberation" was held. It met in St. Petersburg in the apartments of Ya. Ya. Gurevich, V. I. Semevsky and A.V. Evreinov. The composition of the Congress differed slightly from the previous one in terms of geographical representation, but (as a reflection of the growth of the entire "Liberation Union" at the expense of the intelligentsia) the representation of urban intellectuals increased .15 The Zemstvos, however, who were busy preparing for their congress, which opened in St. Petersburg in two weeks, arrived in a smaller number than at the first congress, as a result of which the ratio of Zemstvos and non-Zemstvos changed even more in favor of the latter. S. N. Prokopovich's report, which was approved by the Union Council, "elaborated on the ideas of self-imposed exercise of liberties16 and was distinguished by the full definiteness of the planned action plan." 17 This plan suggested that the delegates should do the following. First, all those who can do this should take an active part in the Zemstvo congress in order to obtain an open statement on the need to introduce a constitutional system in Russia. Secondly, after the Zemstvo congress, on November 20, to launch a "banquet campaign" in all cities where there are osvobozhdeniye groups in connection with the 40th anniversary of the introduction of judicial charters in Russia and to adopt " constitutional and democratic resolutions drawn up in a much more decisive tone than those that could have been expected." expect from the congress of zemstvo and city leaders "18. Third, at the next session of the county and provincial zemstvo assemblies, wherever possible, raise the question of introducing a constitution in Russia and convening" people's representation on a broad democratic basis."
The general result of the work of the Second Congress of the" Union of Liberation "was a public statement about the existence of the" Union", the first open presentation of its program,
12 TsGALI SSSR, f. 1696, op. 1, d. 39, l. 206 (letter of D. I. Shakhovsky to V. Ya. Bogucharsky, 16. V. 1908).
13 IRLI, f. 334, op. 1, d. 651, l. 35.
14 Ibid., l. 36.
15 For the social composition of the Second Congress of the "Union of Liberation", see: K. F. Shatsillo, New information about the "Union of Liberation". - History of the USSR, 1975, N 4, p. 141-142.
16 That is, meetings without the permission of the tsarist administration in restaurants and other public places (clubs, legally existing societies, etc.).
17 Landau G. A. On the tactical report at the Congress of the Constitutional Democratic Party. In: Without Title, T. I. St. Petersburg, 1906, p. 29.
18 Note by V. Ya. Bogucharsky to the article by I. P. Belokonsky " On the history of the Zemstvo Movement in Russia "(Nasha Strana Collection, St. Petersburg, 1907, No. 1, p. 29).
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minor organizational changes in the structure and approval of the new tactics developed by the Council. Its essence was to encourage the zemstvos to take more active actions, to create professional and political organizations among the intelligentsia, and to launch open public speeches demanding the introduction of a constitutional system in Russia.
Shortly before the beginning of the Zemstvo Congress, the Osvobozhdeniye Party organized the publication of two legal newspapers in St. Petersburg. The publisher and formal editor of the first of them was Professor L. V. Khodsky, and the actual soul was a married couple S. N. Prokopovich and E. D. Kuskova. Other members of the editorial board were V. Ya. Bogucharsky, V. V. Vodovozov, who came specifically from Kiev for this purpose, V. V. Khizhnyakov, V. V. Portugalov, R. M. Blank, V. S. Golubev, M. A. Slavinsky and L. M. Nemanov19 (with the exception of the latter, all active "osvobozhdeniye"members). Khodsky was a relatively poor man and was able to invest only 20 thousand rubles in the publication. Therefore, in order to publish the first issue of Our Life (as the newspaper was called) on November 1, V. Ya. Bogucharsky made a large loan in his name from the manufacturer S. T. Morozov, which was quickly repaid. On November 18, another organ of the Osvobozhdeniye movement, Son of the Fatherland, began publishing. Its publisher and first editor was S. P. Yuritsyn, who invested 100 thousand rubles in delo at once. Members of the editorial board were "osvobozhdenie" of the "narodnik" connotation: G. I. Schreider, V. A. Myakotin, N. S. Trufanov, A.V. Peshekhonov, who moved from Moscow to St. Petersburg and became co-editor; P. F. Yakubovich, Yukhanov, V. A. Rozenberg, and even the leader of the Social Revolutionaries V. M. Chernov were close to the newspaper. (later, in the autumn of 1905, this newspaper passed into the hands of the Socialist-Revolutionaries.)
The decisions and results of the work of the Zemstvo Congress of November 6-9, 1904, are widely known in the historical literature21, and it is not necessary to dwell on them in detail. Let us only note that the Osvobozhdeniye activists themselves did not expect that the majority of participants in the Zemstvo congress would support the introduction of legislative, rather than legislative, representation in Russia. Following the organization of the publication of two legal newspapers in St. Petersburg and the zemstvo congress "osvobozhdenie" on the previously appointed day - November 20, 1904-a "banquet campaign" was launched in many cities of Russia.
There is no way to tell about the course of all 120 banquets and meetings in 34 cities of Russia, which were attended by about 50 thousand people (including repeated visits of the same person).22 . But what happened at the banquets in the three largest cities - St. Petersburg, Moscow and Kiev - should be said. On November 20, 1904, 676 people gathered for a banquet in the Pavlova Hall in St. Petersburg. Preparation for it was carried out for several weeks. At the suggestion of N. F. Annensky, V. G. Korolenko was unanimously elected chairman of the assembly. In his opening remarks, he called on all those present "here and outside these walls" to speak openly about their beliefs. "The minute we are experiencing is extremely important. Clouds appeared on the horizon of Russian life. They can fall over the parched earth in a fertile rain, but they can also turn into thunderclouds. The Russian public is seeing the outlines of the future, and what it will be like depends on the degree of consciousness of society. " 23 Then speeches were made by I. V. Gessen, who spoke about the development of judicial statutes, and V. I. Semevsky, who devoted a long speech to the development of constitutional projects in Russia from the middle of the 20th century.
19 Collection of the Central State Academy of Fine Arts of the USSR. Vodovozov V. V. Novy vek, p. 207 (manuscript).
20 RO GBL, f. 251, k. XXI, d. 25 (letter of G. I. Schreider to V. A. Rosenberg, 17. IX. 1904).
21 Private meeting of zemstvo leaders, held on November 6, 7, 8 and 9, 1904 in St. Petersburg. Moscow, 1905; Shatsillo K. F. Formation of the program of zemstvo liberalism and its bankruptcy on the eve of the first Russian Revolution (1901-1904). In: Istoricheskie Zapiski, Vol. 97, pp. 50-98; his own. Tactics and organization of zemstvo liberalism on the eve of the First Russian Revolution. - Ibid., vol. 101, pp. 217-273.
22 Emmons T. Op. cit., pp. 83-86; calculated by us from: TsGAOR USSR, f. DP, OO, 1904, d. 1250, vols. I-III.
23 IRLI, f. 7528, op. 1, d. 607, l. 4. Minutes of the meeting of persons of intelligent professions in the hall of Pavlova on November 20, 1904 and materials to the protocol; Leaflet "Liberation", 9 (22). XII. 1904.
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XVIII century 24 . Speaking for the second time, V. G. Korolenko announced that the purpose of the meeting was "to say your word, and in precise forms." He offered to discuss and sign the draft resolution prepared by the special bureau. The project required: 1. Granting to all citizens personal inviolability, freedom of conscience, speech, press, assembly and unions. 2. The abolition of all restrictions and equality before the law. 3. The promulgation of laws and the introduction of taxes "with the participation and consent of representatives freely chosen from all the people". 4. Responsibility of ministers to the People's Representation and of all officials of the administration to the court. "Thus," the resolution noted , " we consider it absolutely necessary that the entire state system of Russia be reorganized on a constitutional basis... We consider it necessary that a Constituent Assembly consisting of freely chosen representatives from the entire population of the Russian State should be immediately convened to carry out this radical and urgent transformation, and that a full and unconditional amnesty for all political and religious crimes should be declared immediately, before the election period begins, and that the necessary legal conditions should be provided for a conscious and the free attitude of the population to the elections and for the inviolability of their elected representatives " 25 . The resolution was signed by those present and published in the Nasha Zhizn and Son of the Fatherland newspapers.
The banquet participants had a high opinion of its results. One of the letters illustrated by the police noted: "For the first time I had to listen to frank, bold speeches in such a large gathering of liberal intellectuals." 26 Then three more banquets were held in St. Petersburg (December 5, 14, and 18), and lawyers, teachers, professors, artists, and students gathered for their public meetings six times. The second capital of the Russian Empire hosted three banquets (November 21, December 5 and 14), meetings of lawyers, doctors, and engineers. Only for two days, on December 5 and 6, student demonstrations were held on Strastnoy and Tverskoy Boulevards, B. Dmitrovka and Arbat 27 (note that not all student demonstrations can be attributed to the "osvobozhdeniye").
At the end of the first decade of December, the police learned that in memory of the Decembrist uprising on December 14, a banquet was to be held in the Hermitage restaurant, which 600 people had already signed up for. It was initiated by well-known "osvobozhdeniye activists" - the grandson of the Decembrist Prince S. I. Shakhovskaya, S. V. Sabashnikov and D. N. Dobrokhotov. "According to the available information," the head of the special Department reported to the director of the Police Department, " in addition to making speeches of exclusively illegal content, the following issues were supposed to be voted on at this banquet:: 1) on the need to immediately convene a Constituent Assembly; 2) on a general amnesty for politicians; 3) on the attitude of society towards the events of December 2 and 6 (the brutal beating of student demonstrators by the police. - K. Sh.); 4) on expressing sympathy to the City Duma for the resolution adopted by it on November 30 and 5) on expressing sympathy and gratitude to the Chernigov leader of the nobility Mukhanov for sending him the most important address " 28 . The Chief Police Officer of Moscow has banned the banquet. Then S. I. Shakhovskoy ordered a dinner for 60 people in the restaurant "Kontilental"on the same day. It was attended by 150 people. During the dinner, according to the police, extremely radical speeches were made. After singing "La Marseillaise" and "Dubinushka", the banquet participants dispersed.
The literature has already described a banquet organized by the "Osvobozhdeniye party" in Kiev, which was attended by more than a thousand people .29 On November 20, 1904, a meeting of the Literary and artistic society was held here. Professor of the Kiev PO-
24 For V. I. Semevsky's speech, see: Archive of the USSR Academy of Sciences, f. 489, op. 1, d. 46, l. 8.
25 Liszt Osvobozhdenie, 9 (22). XII. 1904.
26 TsGAOR USSR, DP, 00 f. 265, 25, l. 116.
27 Archive of the USSR Academy of Sciences, f. 518, op. 4, d. 213, l. 2, etc.
28 TsGAOR USSR, DP, OO f. 63, 1904, 747, ll. 34-35.
29 Chermenskiy E. D. Bourgeoisie and Tsarism in the First Russian Revolution, Moscow, 1970, p. 40.
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Y. N. Wagner asked the Osvobozhdenets Literary College to stand up in memory of those who fell and suffered in the struggle against the autocracy, and then proposed to discuss and adopt the following resolution: "To demand the convocation of a Constituent Assembly of People's Representatives, elected by direct secret ballot of the entire people, without distinction of state, gender or religion, in order to transfer control of the country into its hands, and also demand the immediate release and full amnesty of all political criminals. " 30 But only revolutionary actions could crush the strongholds of the autocracy. The Russian liberals were not capable of this.
As early as December 14, 1904, the autocracy responded to the decisions of the Zemstvo Congress and the "banquet campaign" of the Osvobozhdeniye Party. On that day, two documents appeared in the "Government Bulletin" at once:" Decree to the Senate "and"Government Message". The former , described by V. I. Lenin as "a direct slap in the face to liberals"31, categorically insisted on "the indispensable preservation of the unshakable foundations of the laws of the empire "(vol. E. autocracy) and gave out empty promises such as observing the rule of law in the country, ensuring "necessary independence" for the courts, eliminating only "unnecessary restrictions" on the printed word and preserving only those restrictions on "foreigners" that "are caused by the vital interests of the state and the obvious benefit of the Russian people." The second document was even sharper. It sharply criticized the participants of "noisy gatherings" and"gatherings". These individuals," blinded by deceptive signs of the benefits they expect from a radical change in the centuries-old sanctified foundations of Russian state life, " act to the detriment of Russia. They express an opinion "alien to the Russian people, true to the primordial foundations of the existing state system." Henceforth, these individuals pledged "not to touch upon those issues for discussion of which they do not have the legal authority." Those who did not comply with the government's warning were threatened with prosecution "on the basis of existing laws." It was no longer a slap in the face, but simply a kick from the gendarme's boot. Even one of the most right-wing politicians, 32 V. A. Maklakov, called the government's report "amazing in its tactlessness." 33
The Bolshevik Party clearly defined its attitude to the "banquet campaign". Lenin wrote: "The proletariat must support the constitutional movement of the bourgeoisie, shake up and rally around itself the widest possible strata of the exploited masses of the people, gather all its forces and raise an insurrection at the moment of the greatest governmental despair, at the moment of the greatest popular excitement." 34 But the liberals - "osvobozhdeniye" - in the current situation considered it necessary to make contact with the workers in order that the same resolutions that were proclaimed by the zemstvo meetings and banquets should be passed at the workers ' meetings. Some members of the Liberation Union met with Gapon in this regard. In his memoirs, V. V. Khizhnyakov writes that V. Ya. Bogucharsky and S. N. Prokopovich met with Gapon in November - December 1904 "as members of the Council of the illegal 'Liberation Union'. They encouraged Gapon to pass political resolutions in the meetings of the "Society of Factory Workers", which were carried out as a campaign of the "Liberation Union" in public organizations. Gapon promised them this, demanding, for his part, the support of the workers. " 35 V. S. Golubev, the "osvobozhdenets", also met with Gapon36 , and on Friday, on the eve of "Bloody Sunday", the delegation of " released "had a conversation with Gapon.-
30 TsGIA of the UKRAINIAN SSR, f. 275, op. 1, 2520, ll. 144-145.
31 Lenin V. I. PSS. Vol. 9, p. 129.
32 See ibid., vol. 24, p. 373.
33 Maklakov V. A. Vlast ' i obshchestvo na zakate staroi Rossii [Power and public at the end of Old Russia]. Paris, 1936, p. 339.
34 Lenin V. I. PSS. Vol. 9, p. 134.
35 Museum of the Institute of Health Organization, f. 9, op. 1, d. 8, l. 3; RO GBL, f. 322, cor. 2, d. 7, l. 3.
36 Archive of the USSR Academy of Sciences, f. 518, op. 5, 68, l. 142. An associate of Gapon, A. E. Karelin, wrote in his memoirs that in early or mid-November 1904, a new version of the "petition"was discussed for the first time at their meeting together with five intellectuals. Noting that he did not remember the names of the two intellectuals, Karelin named S. N. Prokopovich, E. D. Kuskova, and V. Ya. Bogucharsky as other participants in the meeting (Krasnaya Letopis, Leningrad, 1922, No. 1, p.110). Probably, A. E. Karelin and V. V. Khizhnyakov are talking about the same meeting.
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Bogucharsky, S. N. Prokopovich, E. D. Kuskova, V. V. Khizhnyakov, S. L. Frank 37. A. Shilov, who was specially engaged in textual analysis of the "Petition" that the workers wanted to submit to Nicholas II on January 9, 1905, established that the first versions of it were drawn up as early as March 1904 38 , and the second moment in the history of the" January 9 petition " should be attributed to November 1904. In connection with the "banquet campaign", numerous resolutions of public groups, zemstvo petitions, etc., this question was also raised in the "Assembly" (Gaponovsky - K. Sh.), but in a more definite form. " 39 Indeed, the Gaponovites strenuously tried to inculcate among the workers of St. Petersburg the liberal idea of appealing to the tsar with a request to grant the workers various favors, including political liberties .40 What came of it is known. If in response to the liberal petitions, a "Decree to the Senate" and a "Government Message" followed, then on the morning of January 9, rifle volleys thundered in response to the "Proletarian petition". The first bourgeois-democratic revolution has begun in Russia. This popular revolution, of which the proletariat was the hegemon, marked the collapse of the unfulfilled hopes of the liberals and the peaceful transformation of the autocracy into a constitutional monarchy.
37 TsGIA USSR, f. 1093, op. 1, d. 235, l. 2.
38 Shilov A. To the documentary history of the "Petition" January 9, 1905-Krasnaya Letopis, 1925, N 2 (13), p.21; see also an important research article: Ganelin R. S. To the history of the text of the petition January 9, 1905 - Auxiliary historical disciplines. Issue XIV. l. 1983, pp. 244-245.
39 Shilov A. Uk. soch., p. 22.
40 For the "Petition", see: The beginning of the first Russian Revolution (January-March 1905). The revolution of 1905-1907 in Russia. The dock. Moscow, 1955, pp. 28-31.
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