Libmonster ID: BY-3039
Author(s) of the publication: S. A. CHUIKINA
Educational Institution \ Organization: European University (Saint Petersburg)

This paper deals with some aspects of changes in the social structure of Russian society that took place in the 1920s-1930s. From a sociological point of view, it is interesting to study the continuity between the daily life and activities of people from different classes before the revolution and how they adapted to the situation of transition, what places in Soviet society they managed to occupy in the years under review, how the skills they needed in pre-revolutionary life were transformed into new ones that were useful for Russia. Although the pre-revolutionary estates and related statuses officially disappeared from the social structure of society, people who were socialized under the old regime, their ways of life and class identities continued to live. In order for these people to "dissolve" into Soviet society, a long and complex process of transformation of habits, skills, and identity was necessary. In this article, I show how. This process took place on the example of the life of one family that belonged to the local nobility before the revolution, in the period from the 1870s to the 1930s.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the mechanisms of social transformation at the micro level.e. people's reactions to changes in the social context, their tactics of resistance to innovations. As an analytical research tool, the theory of practices (1, 2) is used, which makes it possible to study social transformations from this point of view. The conceptualization of social changes in the works of researchers is confirmed in a polemic with other sociological theories-structural functionalism (3, p. 181-215), structuralism (4; 5; 6, p. 135-143), and rational choice theories (7). A common point that unites various areas of research in practice is the authors ' idea of transformations as a form of social change. social phenomenon: social changes are inherent in any society and are its normal characteristic, they are contextual, their course is largely determined by the creative activity of people. The theoretical basis for this study is the approaches of E. P. Thompson and X. Dreyfus. Thompson, in his work" The Formation of the English Working Class", considers the change in the social structure as a result of experiencing historical events by people who have passed similar stages of socialization and have a certain amount of knowledge, skills, and ideas. In the process of social interaction between ordinary participants in the transformation process, new identities and new elements of the social structure arise (4). C. Spinoza, F. Flores and X. Dreyfus

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They also see social change as the production of history by " active individuals. By changing practices, the authors understand a change in style. Style in their interpretation is a way of coordinating the living space of individuals, organized around familiar everyday life, familiar objects of the material world, the use of everyday "tools" (1); the goals of using tools; identities that arise as a result of handling "tools", i.e., familiar objects of the material world (7, p. 17-21).

So, representatives of the theory of practices investigate how gradual changes in people's daily lives affect changes in the social order and social structure of society. Therefore, the focus of researchers of practices is not the whole society, but a small part of it (group, social environment), most often - that part of society that is the epicenter of transformations that researchers are interested in.

This is related to the choice of research methods, one of which is microsociological analysis using time distance, which allows us to study in detail the social interaction carried out in a specific historical context, the development and dynamics of this interaction. Reconstruction and detailed description of particular, individual situations allows us to move on to generalizations and hypotheses about the reasons for the existence of various forms of social development and their transformations.

This method was used to conduct our research, which was based on the history of a noble family covering the period from the 1840s to the 1960s (2) (8).

At the first stage, the way of life of men and women of three generations of this family who were socialized before the revolution, their contribution to the family's well-being, and ways of self-realization are reconstructed. The article examines in more detail the life trajectories of representatives of the third generation (born in the 1870s-1880s), heirs of the family style, who were in middle age in the 1920s. A detailed description of the siblings ' steps in the 1920s and 1930s allows us to demonstrate the acquisition of new skills and the gradual change in practices in response to the transformation of the social context.

BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. LIFE ON THE ESTATE

Features of the composition and structure of the noble family, its lifestyle were largely determined by the presence of the estate and its features (geographical location, age, number of owners and people living in it, wealth, profitability). Modernization researchers who have considered the problem of changing the family way of life believe that upper-class families who lived in rural areas,

1. Using the word "everyday life", "tools", I am trying to translate into Russian the term used by Heidegger's followers-Zeug (in English translations - equipment).

2. This study is based on the history of the Zvorykin family clan - local nobles who lived on the estate in Tver province from the end of the XIX century to 1917. The family history was completed by Natalia Fyodorovna Zvorykina, born in 1916 in the mid-1980s, and it took about ten years to write. This story is not a provoked document (i.e., it was not created by order of sociologists) or a literary work. It is intended for a narrow circle of people (for family members and close acquaintances), and was created with the aim of preserving family memory, for posterity. For its creation, the following sources were used: the noble family book, kept since the XVIII century (where births, deaths, education, marriages were recorded), correspondence of relatives, diaries, stories of family members about each other (recorded by the author from words), information about family members and closest friends in printed publications. photos, as well as personal memoirs of the author. N. F. Zvorykina's" Notes " allow us to reconstruct the life trajectories of four generations of this family (the first-circa 1800, the second-1840s, the third-1870-e-l 880s, the fourth-1900-1918).

The foundation of a single family history study is not a forced move, but a conscious research strategy. In my opinion, a detailed examination of the life trajectories of members of the same family or even one biography provides a lot for studying changing practices, since it allows us to reconstruct participation in the transformation process step by step, allowing us to trace the dynamics and logic of this process.

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they represent the most pronounced type of extended families. These families have the highest authority of their elders (due to the presence of inheritance), strong intergenerational solidarity (due to the desire to maintain a high social status of the family), and the largest number of family members living together (due to the size of houses and financial opportunities) (9, p.12-15). In Russia, before the revolution, the estates of rural landlords were inhabited by blood and foster relatives (i.e., the older generation of the family, their sons with their families and unmarried daughters, as well as children of wives from a previous marriage who were accepted into the family), companions and chaperones, child caregivers, tutors, servants, etc. All these people belonged to an extended family and were involved in the process of creating and reproducing family rituals. The number of family members could be more than 20 people.

The presence of an estate inherited from previous generations provided descendants with one of the possible ways of self - realization and ensuring life-economic activity. In addition, the estate, in turn, "inherited" its owners: the existence of a farm required that at least one person from the family preserve and, if possible, increase the existing property of the family. Selling them into other people's hands was generally not welcome, since the estates were the material embodiment of family memory, and losing them meant breaking ties with the past and with ancestors, the memory of which was traditionally preserved in noble families.

D. Berto and I. Berto-Vyam investigate "how the family's ownership of any means of production (or trade) determines or influences the fate of subsequent generations" (10, p. 107). They describe the family history of artisans and conclude that "in reality, it is the company that employs one son, thus inheriting the heir." This is due to the fact that in addition to material resources, social capital is also used for conducting trade in rural areas (11), which is most necessary for trade. If this social capital is not in demand in one of the generations, the family enterprise will cease to exist. Therefore, the eldest son in the family responds to the" call " of the family enterprise and inherits it, and in the event of the death of the eldest son, he is replaced by the next oldest, etc.

We can draw a parallel with the "inheritance of an estate" in a noble family: the family of local nobles is included in the druzhesko-related neighborhood network, and is part of a geographically localized community. Most likely, the phenomenon of "inheritance of a family enterprise", whether it is a peasant's land, a craft enterprise or a noble estate, etc., is inherent in families if the enterprise includes this family in a broader social network, and if the loss of this network changes the family's usual style and creates a threat of lowering its social status, regardless of the social status of the how high this status is.

Estates organized the practices and social identity of noble families, and their presence is associated with a special way of coordinating living space that is characteristic of the nobility as a whole, but at the same time individual for each family, which we call style (12).

Ensuring family life, maintaining family well-being, self-realization of men and women

men

"... Our great-grandfather Ivan Stepanovich Zvorykin was born in September 1798 and was brought up in a University boarding school in Moscow. After graduating from the boarding school, Ivan Stepanovich "joined the service in 1815 in the Life Guards of the Semenovsky regiment of shoulder belts-a junker". (...) In 1840, Ivan Stepanovich married the daughter of a neighboring landowner, Sofya Petrovna Milyukova, for whom he received a rich dowry, which allowed him to start improving his estate, which was located in the Vyshnevolotsky district of the Tver province. He built a fairly large two-story house

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and he named the estate "Vozdvizhenskoe". "In addition to the house itself, which (apart from the kitchen, bathroom, corridor and small storerooms) had 16-18 rooms, there were many other buildings on the estate: .. outbuilding for two halves, hut, summer kitchen. A little further from the house and lower down on the hill are the "poultry house" and the carriage house " (8, p. 3-6).

The Vozdvizhenskoe estate became for I. S. Zvorykin and three generations of his descendants both a familiar place of residence, an arena of social life, and a material embodiment of family memory. Descendants of Ivan Stepanovich in the male line continued to complete and improve it.

Son Anatoly Ivanovich Zvorykin (1842-1918) "was brought up in the 1st Moscow Cadet corps, where he entered in 1850. (...) He served [in the Guards Horse Artillery] until 1868. This year he retired and settled down on his estate ...In 1869, he married Natalia Fyodorovna, daughter of Lieutenant General Fyodor Ivanovich Rusinov. On his wife's dowry (...) I bought a pit next to Vozdvizhenskoye estate. This estate was in good condition, had a lot of wood and brought income " (8, p. 11).

Their four sons-Ivan, Nikolai, Fyodor, and Anatoly-graduated from the Law School in St. Petersburg. The school was chosen for children by their parents at the age of 7-8 years, but their abilities were not taken into account. "Anatoly Ivanovich assumed a military career for his sons, since he himself was brought up in the cadet corps, but Natalia Fyodorovna insisted (guided by the example of her brother) on sending all her sons to the School of Law." Subsequently, none of the Zvorykin brothers worked in their specialty. "Only the eldest, Ivan Anatolyevich (born in 870), had business qualities. (...) Marrying a rich woman helped him keep a good household" (Ibid., pp. 14-15).

One of Ivan's younger brothers, Fyodor, did not live permanently on the estate, but before the First World War, he also became interested in it, dreamed of buying two parts of it or the entire estate from Ivan's brother. The dowry of his wife Olga Matveeva (daughter of a rich businessman), whom he married in 1915, allowed Fyodor to negotiate a possible purchase of the estate. Due to the revolution, his plans remained unfulfilled. The youngest of the brothers, Anatoly, who sold his part of the estate to his brother Ivan, who had no money and was not interested in farming, nevertheless lived on the estate almost constantly since 1912, together with his second wife Olga Golitsyna and her daughters. The fourth brother, Nikolai, came to the estate from time to time; he lived permanently in Vyshny Volochyok, where he was the mayor.

From the above excerpts of family history, the author reconstructs the way of ensuring the life of the family for three generations and the contribution of men to it. Representatives of the Zvorykins on the male line did not seek to realize themselves in the profession, in the service. The main stages of their biography: getting an education in a closed educational institution in Moscow or St. Petersburg, early retirement, self-realization in economic activities or in any non-professional field, getting married. It should be especially noted that it was marriage that allowed men to start independent activities on the improvement of the estate. The flow of funds into the family was mainly carried out through profitable marriages. Ivan Stepanovich, his son Anatoly, the eldest and youngest grandsons Ivan and Anatoly (in the first marriage) marry the daughters of wealthy neighboring landowners, his other grandson, Fyodor, marries the daughter of a rich entrepreneur, not a noblewoman, only Nikolai marries three times with low-class and not rich women. Only those of the men who had entered into profitable marriages were able to invest in the estate. But regardless of their contribution to the improvement of the estate, the daily life of the brothers was connected with it.

As mentioned above, the brothers did not have a vocation for legal work, and professional activities and work occupied a small place in their lives. If the brothers "served", it was for the sake of money, and work for money was perceived more as an annoying necessity, rather than as an opportunity to prove themselves. As an example

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here is an excerpt from Fyodor Anatolyevich's letter to his fiancee O. A. Matveeva dated 4.08.1915.:

"What you write about question pecuniarie (money question. - Ed.) is not particularly comforting. You know that I am afraid of having to devote all my time and labor to earning a living, and that I would have to become a slave to the family if you did not have anything, I would have to work, thinking not about the interest of the work itself, but about how it pays."

It is necessary to note the peculiarity inherent in the noble culture as a whole, which was reflected in the life of the Zvorykin brothers: an aristocrat "did not belong" to be a professional, as well as to have achievement aspirations. "The decisive attitude in the upbringing of a noble child was that it was oriented not to success, but to the ideal. He should have been brave, honest, and educated not in order to achieve anything, but because he is a nobleman... "(13, 38-39. Author's italics). Having a liberal arts education and a broad outlook, owning an elegant literary style, the nobles used these skills mainly in secular communication. It was also customary to be passionate about something seriously, for example, to collect a collection or thoroughly study a subject, but not in order to use this knowledge in any way, but for the soul. The brothers Nikolai and Fyodor Zvorykin had such hobbies, and in these areas of their lives one can observe the desire for passionate dedication, seriousness, depth and long-term interests.

About Nikolai Anatolyevich: He was a true hunter, who had spent almost his entire life on the hunt, who had experienced the depth, strength and sharpness of this powerful passion. How many nights had he spent by bonfires in the spring forest, waiting for his beloved capercaillie current, how many forests and swamps had he traveled in search of grouse and hollows with the handsome laverrak, how many wolves had he slaughtered on merry winter raids!... In it, until old age, lived the young soul of a wanderer, greedily in love with nature... (...) At the same time, this dense "forester" was a great connoisseur of art in all its manifestations, a constant admirer of all that is beautiful that enriches and adorns human life..." (8, p.24-25).

About Fyodor Anatolyevich: "After serving his military service, at the same time as serving in the Ministry, for which, apparently, not much time was spent, Fyodor Anatolyevich became seriously interested in music. He had an absolute ear for music and was so captivated by it that he entered the composition department of the Conservatory... At the Conservatory, Fyodor Anatolyevich studied under Glazunov and Lyadov. However, he soon became disillusioned with his abilities, recognizing them as insufficient for a composer, and without finishing, he left the conservatory. However, since then, music has become his constant love. Wherever he lived, he always had an instrument - a piano or grand piano, rented, sometimes very old. " (8, p. 35).

women

The Zworykin women, like their brothers, were educated in closed educational institutions for nobles - institutes of noble girls in Moscow or St. Petersburg. Possible areas of self-realization for women were marriage and raising children or economic activities on the parent's estate, socializing, social life, various hobbies and interests. Although women had equal rights to inherit and dispose of a portion of the estate and money of older relatives, their financial well-being was considered less important in this family than the well-being of men, their brothers. This situation has been repeated from generation to generation.

"While Ivan Stepanovich was building and improving the estate, his wife Sofya Petrovna gave birth to a daughter Nadezhda in 1841, and in 1842 she had two boys, twins Anatoly and Nikolai, and she herself died in childbirth. "The orphaned children of Sofya Petrovna were brought up by her unmarried sister Elizabeth (Milyukova).

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She was particularly fond of Nadenka and reinforced her love by bequeathing her, or giving her, a large sum of money during her lifetime. Anatoly Ivanovich also gave, but less, about one-third of Nadezhda Ivanovna's dowry. (...) Anatoly Ivanovich was no stranger to economic activity, but apparently did not possess commercial talents. He built a distillery near Vozdvizhenskoye. It took the money received from Elizaveta Petrovna Milyukova, and not only him, but also those that Nadezhda Ivanovna received. However, the plant turned out to be unprofitable, and Anatoly Ivanovich went bankrupt and ruined his sister. (...) Nadezhda Ivanovna took a great part in the upbringing of Anatoly Ivanovich and Natalia Fyodorovna's children. She was the godmother of all her brother's children. She was so busy with the kids that they called her "Mama Nadia." No longer young. Nadezhda Ivanovna married a rich widower, Vladimir Ivanovich Korpachev (8, p. 12-13).

"Before his marriage (1906), Brother Nikolushka was supposed to meet his fiancee Hope, who had traveled to England and was now returning to marry him. He had no money - this is the usual condition of the Zvorykin brothers (except for Ivan). For the meeting of the bride and the wedding, he begged Ksenia (his sister) for one of her few jewels - a gold bracelet, which he immediately sold. Fyodor Anatolyevich begged a similar bracelet from his mother, Natalia Fyodorovna" (8, p. 142).

Perhaps this attitude to the means and material values of women is due to the fact that the dowry of women should have been inherited later by the husband and invested in the growth of the capital of someone else's family. Thus, the fact that brothers use the means of sisters can be considered an unreflective tactic of an impoverished family aimed at self-preservation. But the ruin of women by their brothers deprived them of their dowry, and thus reduced their chances of marriage. In noble circles, equality of status in marriage alliances was maintained by the dowry and reputation of families. Therefore, the possibility for noblewomen to get married was related to having a dowry. Besides, it was only possible to marry someone from a "good family" without losing their parents ' blessing, so the ruin of women left them with the only possible marriage option - with a person of their own class who was so rich that he could neglect the dowry.

It should be noted that of the men in the Zvorykin family who married before the revolution, two (Fyodor and Nikolai) married women of non-noble origin, but their sisters, apparently, were not allowed to marry representatives of other classes. Perhaps this was due to the fact that the nobility is transmitted through the male line. The family history does not explain this fact.

The biographies of Nadezhda (1877-1943) and Ksenia (1886-1986), who had to survive 1917 and adapt to life in Soviet Russia, before the revolution largely repeated the dominants of fate and the main stages of the life path of their female ancestors.

At the age of 10, they were sent to study at the Catherine Institute of Noble Girls in St. Petersburg on Fontanka, where they did not study hard, but acquired some useful skills for life. "Nadezhda Anatolyevna was a good needlewoman-she did wonderful embroidery and sewed a little, she knew French and English well" (8, p.89). "Ksenia Anatolyevna knew French and English, but not very well. She did not finish the Institute" (8, p. 141 a).

During the First World War, both sisters worked in the Red Cross - Nadezhda Anatolyevna as a translator, and Ksenia Anatolyevna as a head of economic affairs. However, they were not interested in work, as well as farming and living on their estate. They were dominated, as the family story tells, by "intelligent interests" - to books, music, entertainment. Communication with people also occupied a large place in their lives, "especially if they were supposed to have some interest in the field of culture" (8, p. 169). The Zworykin sisters did not marry before or after the revolution. In 1919, Nadezhda Anatolyevna took on the upbringing of her brother Nikolai's daughter Yevgenia.

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CONVERSION OF SKILLS IN THE POST-REVOLUTIONARY YEARS. CHANGING THE FAMILY STYLE

The October Revolution, the expropriation of the estate, served as a direct impetus for changing everyday practices. With the loss of the estate, intergenerational continuity was disrupted in the sphere of family life support, communication style, and self-identification. The heirs of the traditional family style have a need to choose a new way of life, to master new skills. The possibility of choosing (consciously or unconsciously) the future mode of existence of a noble family depended on the previous individual life experience of each of its members, on the availability of various resources for the whole family and for each individual, and on the specifics of the macro - and micro-social contexts that accompanied the changes.

To analyze the post-revolutionary activities of the Zvorykin family, the concept of "tactics" by Michel de Serteau will be used. It examines the" ways in which people consume" the "products" of the economy, politics, and state ideology. Consumption tactics, according to de Certeau, may be different, and may not coincide with the intentions of producers of the prevailing social and economic order, and then they become unconscious resistance tactics, forming an "anti-disciplinary network". One example of resistance tactics is the use of language, the rules of which are set by the ruling elite, uneducated people (14). Using de Certeau's terminology, I will refer to" products "as the actions of the authorities in relation to the nobility and other external (macro) conditions, and" tactics " as the reaction of family members.

Tactics of women: mastering the situation by the type of "Return to the old"

From 1917 until about the beginning of 1919, the family members lived in different places - in the villages of the Tver province, in St. Petersburg, in Vyshny Volochyok. Since 1919, there have been significant differences in the tactics of the brothers and sisters. These differences arose spontaneously, in the course of using the opportunities that turned up, but they show the influence of differences in the pre-revolutionary experience of women and men and the peculiarities of perception of what is happening and the ability to master the situation due to this experience.

"Nadezhda Anatolyevna did not accept the revolution. I wanted to emigrate, but there was no money, and I basically did not want to work "for the Bolsheviks". In 1918, she lived with her brother Fyodor Anatolyevich in Petrograd on Znamenskaya Street and worked as a nurse on the hospital ship Narodovolets, which was moored on the Neva. In 1919, together with her brother's family, she went to Vyshny Volochyok to live with Natalia Fyodorovna and Ksenia Anatolyevna. There I got a job as the head of a hut - reading room for a meager rate. (...) From Vyshny Volochek, Nadezhda Anatolyevna, together with her mother, sister and Gesya (her brother's daughter, whom she took into care. - S. Ch.), moved to the Ostrovno estate. The owner of the estate, Nikolai Vladimirovich Ushakov, who was evicted from his estate, lived peacefully right there in a small hut. A whole group of artists lived nearby. They wrote a letter to the People's Commissariat of Education with a request to preserve the Island as an artistic value. Ostrovno became such a "value" due to the fact that I. Levitan spent the summer of 1894 in it.

Someone thought of Ostrovno as a sort of holiday home for art workers. We hired a cook and maid to clean the rooms and invited 10-12 vacationers from Moscow and Leningrad. There were years of NEP and private entrepreneurship was not forbidden. The harpist Olga Erdely, Professor Nicolai, came, there was a high tenor (Englishman?) The pic is burnt. Kreisler lived for a long time

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(a close family friend - S. C.) with his daughters, and I don't think he paid anything. Nadezhda Anatolyevna and Ksenia Anatolyevna tried to serve their guests better. Ksenia an. was getting groceries, and Nadezhda an. she was in charge of cooking, serving the table, etc. The guests were not bored - they staged amateur performances... there were walks, games, jokes, fleeting romances, contests for the most beautiful bouquet... (8, pp. 92-94).

Sharp and unpleasant changes were brought by 1929 - "the year of the great turning point". (...) The remaining landlords in the village were evicted. Ksenia Anatolyevna was removed from the protection of Ostrovno, without replacing anyone. During the eviction, Ksenia Anatolyevna was deprived of her voting rights. (...)

Once Ksenia Anatolyevna heard that an outbuilding was being sold in the neighboring Koptev estate. (...) Ksenia Anatolyevna decided to buy this wing, but of course there was no money. To get them, she went to Tver, and sold her monkey coat. However, she was not allowed to enter the auction of the house as a former landowner. According to Ksenia Anatolyevna, this time when she had to leave Udomli was one of the most difficult moments of her life" (8, pp. 146-147).

The expropriation of the estate was a turning point in the life of the entire family, perhaps more tangible than the loss of noble status. However, the most painful loss of the estate was for women, whose life before the revolution was more limited to the home world and communication with neighbors, and who therefore had fewer different adaptations than men. This is probably why, among a number of possible tactics for responding to changes in the social context, women focus on restoring the family style and make an attempt to re-settle in an estate that is not their own, but is well-known. It should be especially noted that the women managed not only to settle in the Ostrovno estate, but also to recreate a social circle in it, partly consisting of people who visited their Vozdvizhenskoe estate, or at least close to them in terms of lifestyle and social status.

The change in practices demonstrated by women in the first decade after the revolution is, as defined by Spinoza, Flores, and Dreyfus (7), a reconfiguration - that is, a type of change in which marginal practices gradually become central. The ability to serve guests (buy food in the villages, cook, set the table, organize leisure time), which before the revolution was not the main occupation of women, their duty and way of earning money, in the 1920s turned into their permanent job, became for them an opportunity to adapt to a new life.

John Channon, in an article devoted to the life of landlords who remained in their former places of residence in the 1920s, analyzes how many landlords remained, and their areas of employment. It assumes that 11-12% of landlords still live on their own land or in the neighborhood, and these are medium and small-sized landowners who do not have equivalent housing in other places and money for emigration. In order to stay in the same place as the whole family, it was necessary to acquire the status of a worker and the opportunity to earn money. For this purpose, various methods were invented, for example, they received land and organized a fictitious "labor commune" consisting of relatives and acquaintances; they sought to give the status of museums to their own or neighboring estates and lived in these "museums" as "curators".

All possible tactics of former landlords who remained on their own land (and the tactics of the Zvorykin sisters-one of the options) are an example of the sociological mechanism of reconfiguration. The importance that people attach to this change in their lives is what John Channon aptly calls "indirect re-entry" (15).

After 1929, when the need to choose again arose, women again tried to return to their previous lifestyle, they did not make attempts to radically change their lives, for example, to move to the city. Ksenia Anatolyevna's attempt to buy an outbuilding is particularly significant in this sense.

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Only when their stay in the Udomel Region becomes dangerous do women, under pressure from friends, acquaintances and relatives, move to St. Petersburg to the communal apartment No. 38 on Kirovsky (Kamennostrovsky) Prospekt 73/75, where the family of their brother Fyodor already lives. Here are a few excerpts describing the life of the sisters during this period.

"Life in Leningrad was getting better with a big creak. To get the right to a room, you had to register, for registration-to get a job. Ksenia Anatolyevna was not hired because, firstly, unemployment continued, and secondly, there was no specialty. 'Finally, already in 1931, M. A. Krasovskaya (a neighbor at home, an acquaintance of the Zvorykins, also a noblewoman) arranged for her to work in the library of the Agricultural Institute in Detsky Selo. Ksenia Anatolyevna was hired for a temporary job in processing old book collections. Despite the fact that she had to go to the country, she was very happy. (...) In 1937, she managed to get a job in the library of the Leningrad Institute of Civil Engineering (8, pp. 149-150). Nadezhda Anatolyevna in the 30s gave private English lessons, and went to the lessons herself, they did not come to her (8, p. 94)."

Apparently, moving to the city further aggravated the problem of identity that had already arisen among women in the first post-revolutionary years. Their noble status became a "social stigma", and its perception, which was natural and unreflected before the revolution, became problematic and passed into the realm of awareness: the noble identity became for them (as, probably, for many "former"ones). the object of manipulation. This was due to the stigmatization of the nobility, with the fact that it was necessary in the public sphere, for example, when applying for a job, to hide their origin. The sisters use possible ways to overcome stigmatization: avoiding official employment (Nadezhda) and getting a temporary job in the suburbs, by acquaintance (Ksenia).

Irving Goffman writes that stigma can create a discrepancy between the actual social identity and the virtual one that is demonstrated (16, p.20-22). This discrepancy can be seen in the example of the noble identity in Soviet society. It is very likely that after the post-revolutionary decade, the actual (unproblematic) identity of women (i.e., who they really feel themselves to be, without realizing it) was different from their pre-revolutionary identity. At the same time, due to many circumstances, self-identification as a noblewoman continues to play an important role, and it becomes the only "capital" that contributes to distancing oneself from representatives of alien classes in the social space of Soviet society. Most likely, in the private sphere, meeting with those who shared their social stigma (nobles and other "exes"), they tried to present themselves as they wanted to see themselves. At the same time, in the public sphere, they also had to hide (or not advertise) the features that betray their noble status.

Summarizing the above, we can see that women are trying to live within the framework of the previous coordinate system. Although they acquire new skills after the revolution and actually change their lives, their tactics of mastering the situation are aimed at preserving the old way of life, and not at transformation."

Men's Tactics: Moving from the "amateur world" to the "professional world"

"When Anatoly Ivanovich died in Moscow (1918), he had a document with which he could go abroad. The eldest son, Ivan Anatolyevich, took this document and went to the institution that issued it. There he said: "You issued the document, but then an error crept in. Here it says Anatoly Ivanovich, and I

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Ivan Anatolyevich! Please fix it!" The document was corrected, and he left " (8, pp. 76-17).

The rest of the brothers stayed in Russia and tried to "find themselves" under the new regime. Especially interesting from a sociological point of view are the tactics of responding to changes in the social context of the brothers Nikolai and Fyodor.

"In the early 1920s. Nikolai Anatolyevich worked in the Forestry Union at the Maksatikha station. Since 1925, a number of stories by Nikolai Anatolyevich were published in hunting magazines, but since 1929 he no longer wrote fiction... Apparently, the writer's earnings were not very reliable, so Nikolai Anatolyevich took it upon himself to train hunting dogs, and he always had beautiful dogs, his own or others'. In 1934, wolves bred in the Caucasus, and Nikolai Anatolyevich, along with other specialists, went to the Caucasus to organize a fight against wolves on a government assignment. But his main occupation at that time was to write about hunting. His works in this field are quite numerous and were highly appreciated among specialists. Some of his books are voluminous, others are very small articles or pamphlets. The list of publications by Nikolai Anatolyevich contains 34 titles" (8, pp. 23-320.

"In 1918, Fyodor Anatolyevich and his wife and two daughters, born in 1916 and 1918, lived in Petrograd on Znamenskaya Street. In 1919, the family decided to go to Vyshny Volochyok, and from there - to the village.

Someone from Vyshnevolotsk acquaintances arranged for Fyodor Anatolyevich in Sakovo (in the Kalinin region). There he was provided with a small outhouse, apparently on a former estate, with a vegetable garden, which was mainly used for food. Fyodor Anatolyevich was supposed to be engaged in political enlightenment work in the club and manage the library. My job was limited to directing the choir. They lived in Sakovo for two years, until someone in power came up with the idea that Fyodor Anatolyevich - a non-partisan and "former" - was not the most suitable figure for political enlightenment. I had to move from my old place (...) Fyodor Anatolyevich was going to settle down and teach his children in Leningrad, so, temporarily leaving his family in Okulovka (Novgorod region), he went to the city. There he managed to get a job as an accountant in a construction company. They paid at the Construction company not so little, but very irregularly, constantly and for a long time delaying the payment of wages... Disillusioned with the accounting profession, he enrolled in the foreign language courses of Boyanus. Subsequently, the diploma of these courses was equated to the institute's. The training was designed for five years, but those who knew the language were allowed to enter any course immediately for improvement. Fyodor Anatolyevich studied for one year. (...) After completing the courses, he began teaching English at the Forestry Academy, at the University's Geofak and at the Institute of Water Transport. At the Forestry Academy, he was soon awarded the title of associate professor and assigned to compile an English textbook for students of forestry universities. In 1933, the textbook was published. Life was finally getting better. A more or less secure existence has come" (8, p. 64-7 5).

After the revolution, during the NEP, the lives of both Zvorykin brothers underwent a transformation that changed not only their daily lives, but also their perception of life. What was a hobby for them before the revolution, they are trying to make their profession. Not only because of the need to earn money (although it is possible that they themselves imagined it this way), but also because of the opportunities that have appeared to become an expert in the business that they like and are predisposed to do, and not in the activity that is decent to do according to their status, they make a change in their life, which is first of all, symbolic - the world of an amateur aristocrat in response to a change in social context-

page 90

the world is transformed into the world of a well-educated professional. This change is well illustrated by the life path of Nikolai Anatolyevich. The path of Fyodor Anatolyevich, in turn, is interesting because it shows the entire sequence of acquiring new skills after the revolution. After a period of intense horizontal mobility, moving around the former Tver province, Fyodor Anatolyevich himself decides to move to live in the city, where he sees an opportunity to "find himself" and provide for his family.

In the city, his path to professional self-assertion consists of two stages. In 1925-29, while working as an accountant in a construction company, he, like his brother Nikolai, tried to professionalize his hobby-composing foxtrots and selling them to singers and artists. This first attempt to convert their skills, although it ends in failure, is significant, as it brings a new skill to their arsenal of knowledge and skills-to sell their knowledge. With this attempt, resocialization and the formation of a new identity - the identity of a specialist-begins. Already having this experience, he makes a new, successful attempt to convert skills, finding a profession that brings him both income and creative satisfaction.

The change that has taken place in the lives of the Zvorykin brothers is also a reconfiguration. But their tactics are innovative, they are aimed at taking advantage of new opportunities. Unlike sisters, their noble background (and the rules that correspond to their noble status) are less important for them, and it may become insignificant when it ceases to be an obstacle to professional mobility for them. The life paths of brothers Nikolai and Fyodor Zvorykin in the post-revolutionary years illustrate how ambiguous the process of social change is, and how unpredictable people's reactions to "blows" from above are. Thus, the discriminatory laws and decrees of the Soviet government, aimed at stigmatizing and suppressing the "former", in reality provided some of them with the opportunity for professional self-realization, which they were able to use due to their previous life experience, but which, apparently, was not available to them when they lived within the framework of the former, pre-revolutionary "coordinate systems".

* * *

The notes show how social changes occur in everyday life, how some daily life skills are gradually converted into others, and how habitual everyday actions in the "new" environment take on a different meaning. The conversion process can be described as the contact of the life experience of a person or group of people who have passed similar stages of socialization with an unusual social context for this group. For the conversion process, life experience and macro-social context are equivalent.

Although the methods of mastering the situation in the post-revolutionary years largely depended on random circumstances and opportunities that turned up, they are of interest for sociological consideration, given that the only chance and "lucky chance" in any situation is that a person, by virtue of the skills and resources available to him, is able to use for his own purposes. Consequently, a person takes one or another step only within the limits of their capabilities, and this step shows what the baggage of their life experience is. Using the example of biographies of nobles, it is shown how skills that had a certain place in their way of life before the revolution begin to be applied in a new capacity after the revolution. The described conversion of specific skills (playing musical instruments and composing music, hunting, knowledge of foreign languages) is a special case (individualization) of the mechanism of capital conversion, which is described by Pierre Bourdieu in the book "Distinction", talking about social mobility (17, pp. 131-132).

page 91

A comparison of the history of the Zvorykin family with the stories of other noble families who moved to Leningrad in the 1920s and 1930s shows that many people used these same opportunities to adapt to new conditions. But it is obvious that the nobles who had the same arsenal of skills and knowledge and found themselves in a different social context in the 1920s-1930s (for example, in emigration), would have to look for other opportunities for survival, earning money, professional self-realization, and actualize other skills and knowledge available to them. Consequently, the study of the steps that people take in their lives allows us to highlight the features of the social structure of a given society, its originality, stairs and barriers to social mobility.

The male and female trajectories described here represent two different ways of" mastering the situation", but there is no reason to say that men had one way and women the other. In other family histories, there are examples of the opposite, when women who had an aristocratic hobby managed to find opportunities for successful professional self-realization in the 1920s and 1930s, and when men could not convert their existing cultural skills. However, it can be assumed that in general, the specifics of women's pre-revolutionary life experience and the features of the noble gender culture gave them less chances for professional self-realization after the revolution, as well as before it, than men.

Thus, the reconstruction of the life experience of members of the same family leads us to think about the mechanisms of social transformation. This study suggests that in the case when a sharp change in the social context forces us to look for new ways of survival, increasing status, self-realization, the ability of representatives of different social groups to adapt to new conditions of existence largely depends on the passive stock of various resources, skills, abilities and knowledge that they have, which can be used as a basis for updated in new conditions.

list of literature

1. Volkov V. V. O kontseptsii praktik(i) v sotsial'nykh naukakh [On the concept of practices (s) in social sciences]. 1997. N 6.

2. Volkov V. V. Soviet civilization as everyday practice: opportunities and limits of transformation. General and especially in modern development / Ed. Zaslavskoi T. I. M.: MVSHSEN, Intercenter. 1990. pp. 323-333.

3. Elias N. The Civilizing Process. Oxford: Blackwell, 1978.

4. Thompson E.P. The Making of the English Working Class. London; N.Y.: Penguin Books, 1980.

5. Thompson E.P. The Poverty of Theory of an Orrery of Errors. London: Merlin Press, 1995.

6. Monson P. Marxism. Modern Western sociology. St. Petersburg: Notabene Publ., 1992.

7. Spinosa Ch., Flares F. & Dreyfus H. Disclosing New Worlds: Entrepreneurship, Democratic Action, and the Cultivation of Solidarity. Massachussets: MIT Press, 1997.

8. Zvorykina N. F. Zapiski N. L., 1984 (Manuscript, from the author's personal archive).

9. Goode W. World Revolution and Family Patterns. N.Y.: The Free Press, 1970.

10. Berto D. and Berto-V. I. Inheritance and gender: translation and social mobility for five generations // Questions of sociology. Volume 1, N 2. 1992.

11. Bourdieu P. Le capital social. Notes provisoires // Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, 31.01.1980.

12. Arkhangelsky N. A. Istoriya Udomelskogo raion [History of the Udomel district]. Part 2. From 1900 to 1917. Tver: Upper Volga Association of Periodicals. 1995.

13. Murav'eva O. S. Kak vospitali russkogo dvoryanina [How the Russian nobleman was brought up]. Moscow: Linka - Press, 1995.

14. M. De Certeau The Practice of Everyday Life. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984.

15. Channon J. Tsarist Landowners After the Revolution: Former Pomeshchiki in Rural Russia during NEP // Soviet Studies, vol. XXXIX, N 4, October 1987.

16. Goffman E. Stigma. Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. London: Penguin Books, 1990.

17. Bourdieu P. Distinction. A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. London: Routledge, 1984.

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