Libmonster ID: BY-3059
Author(s) of the publication: Yu. G. Alekseev

"All the people were there... in Stras velice ... all the cities of everyday life were besieged, and in the forest they were running around, many froze from Stouden " 1-in these words, the chronicler conveys the mood of the Moscow people when in the first days of February 1480, the army of Prince Boris Vasilyevich of Volotsk moved along the winter roads to Uglich. Prince Boris was going to join forces with his brother Andrey to jointly oppose his older brother, Grand Duke Ivan III. The people of Moscow had ample grounds for alarm and fear. In their memory, the images of Shemyakin's troubles were still alive. Then the performance of the Galician Prince Yuri Dmitrievich and his sons against Vasily II the Dark, who was Yuri's nephew, caused an internecine war that lasted almost a quarter of a century.

Moscow changed hands six times, twice enemy hordes appeared under its walls, twice Russian troops suffered a heavy defeat at the hands of the Golden Horde lords, and the Grand Duke himself was captured by the Kazan people and was released for a huge ransom, which put its weight on the shoulders of peasants and townspeople. King Casimir of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania intervened in the affairs of the Russian land, concluded treaties with Tver and Ryazan, and supported the Novgorod and Pskov separatists. The princes of Suzdal and Nizhny Novgorod, whose possessions became part of the Grand Duchy of Moscow at the end of the XIV century, once again felt independent. It seemed that the hard-built building of the Russian centralized state was collapsing, and the times of strife and endless Horde armies were coming again... In February 1480, the shadow of the feudal war again hung over Russia.

In 1479, " Prince Veliky brought the viceroy with Luk s Velikykh from the Novogorodsky and Lithuanian border, and bisha brow to Prince Veliky Luciana on him about the sale and about the offense." Ivan III arranged a trial of the Lucians with their former viceroy, kn. Ivan Lyk Vladimirovich Obolensky and gave Lucian support. The Lucians themselves counted on it, "hoping for the Grand Duke, who indulges them" 2 . Both the fact of the trial of the viceroy on the complaints of local residents, and the position taken by the Grand Duke, reflected the essential features of the internal policy of the emerging Russian centralized state. The policy of centralization pursued by the Moscow princes, beginning with Ivan Kalita, included as a necessary element the strengthening of control over the actions of governors and volostels.

In the spiritual charter of Dmitry Donskoy, the responsibility of volostels is mentioned for the first time: "And who will complain to orphans about volostels, and my princess will correct those people" 3 . Here we are talking about volosts, settlements and villages bequeathed to Dmitry's widow Evdokia. Since that time, in the ecclesiastical charters of the Grand dukes, an article about the trial of volostels on complaints from local residents has become common 4 . The Dvina charter of 1397 directly refers to the punishment of the governor who committed the "sale of silno" (this, presumably, is the extension of the norm developed in the Moscow land to the territory attached to it).

Control over the viceroyalty takes on new features under Ivan III. The Belozersk Charter of 1488, compared with the Dvinskaya Charter, contained three documents:

1 PSRL. Vol. 24. Pg. 1921, p. 198.

2 PSRL. Vol. 20, part I. St. Petersburg, 1910, p. 336.

3 Spiritual and contractual charters of the Grand and appanage Dukes of the XIV-XVI centuries (DDG). Moscow, 1951, N 12, p. 36.

4 Ibid., NN 20-22, 61.

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of fundamental importance: it regulated in detail (and not only declared) the composition and activities of the viceroy's administration and the amount of "feed" from residents (feeding - maintenance of officials at the expense of the local population); it established the mandatory participation of sotsky and "good people" in the court of viceroys and their tiuns; it proceeded from the fact that direct agents of the central Administration of the Russian Federation the authorities (bailiffs of the Grand Duke) came to the uyezd and performed their functions in it independently of the viceroy's apparatus .5 This makes it possible to see in the Belozersk charter the fixation of a qualitatively new stage in the policy of the grand ducal power.

The essence of this policy is to weaken the traditional institution of governors and volostels, which is characteristic of the period of feudal fragmentation. Two interrelated lines can be traced: the strengthening of the influence and control of the central government and its bodies over the activities of feeders and the desire to use local elected bodies to control the activities of feeders "from below". This trend was reflected in the Sudebnik of 1497, and later was further developed in the gubernia and zemstvo reforms of the 1530s-1550s.

In the second half of the 15th century, the restriction of the power of governors and feeders and the strengthening of control over them was gradually introduced in different parts of the Russian land. In this connection, the Novgorod events of 1475-1477 should also be considered. The campaign of Ivan III "in peace" to Novgorod in the autumn of 1475 was accompanied by a mass filing of complaints by the local population to the Grand Duke against the Novgorod boyars .6 Some Novgorod boyars, including the staid posadnik Vasily Onanyin, were brought to trial for violence and robbery at the complaint of residents of Slavkova and Nikitina Streets. The court proceedings in these cases were moved to Moscow. This also includes the villagers of Priidos, Chernitsy, and widows... and all are offended, and many are many of them. " 7 The political goal of weakening the Novgorod oligarchs hostile to Moscow was intertwined with a broader goal - the desire of the government of the emerging centralized state to strengthen its power, relying partly on the urban and rural population, who suffered from boyar arbitrariness. The same line is followed by the grand ducal authorities in relation to small feudal lords, townspeople and black people of Velikoluksky uyezd in their conflict with the representative of the boyar oligarchy.

"I can't stand it," Ivan Lyko Obolensky drives away from the Grand Duke to the estate of his brother, Boris Volotsky. This was the implementation of feudal law, recorded in the inter-princely treaty documents of the XIV-first half of the XV century. - the departure of vassals, boyars and "free servants" from their suzerain, the Grand Duke. But now it is an act of open defiance against him, a challenge to the government of a centralized state. The departure of Lyk to the appanage prince, the latter's refusal to hand over the fugitive and his capture by order of Ivan III gave the signal for an open speech of the appanage feudal lords. "When Prince Boris Vasilyevich heard this (about the capture of Lyk - Yu. A.), he went to Prince Andrey Vasilyevich Uglitsky, his brother bolshoy, complaining about the Grand Duke that such is the power to repair them."

In the chronicler's account, Boris Volotsky's epistle contains fundamental reproaches to the Grand Duke. First of all, the demand for land redistribution ("Prince Yuri died... and the great Prince got all his fatherland, but he didn't give them all his fatherland to put on. Novgorod the Great was taken with him... but I didn't give them a draw from it"). This is a tradition that dates back to the time of Ivan Kalita and has since been constantly featured in the contractual and spiritual documents of the princes of the Moscow House. Reallocations were provided only in the case of a reduction in the lot, while new acquisitions ("primysly") did not fall under this category. Thus, in the contract of Vasily the Dark with his uncle Yuri Zvenigorodsky, dating back to 1428, it is said: "Either what they have thought for themselves, or what they will think for themselves, they will most often keep watch over us" 8 . The same formula is repeated in subsequent treaties of the princes of the House of Moscow. In the feudal law of the mid-15th century, the formulas on repartitions and on intentions stand side by side,

5 Monuments of Russian law. Issue III. M. 1956, p. 173, art. 19, 22, 23.

6 PSRL. Vol. 20, part I, c, 314-315.

7 Ibid., vol. 25, Moscow, l. 1949, pp. 305-306, 309.

8 DDG, N 24, p. 63.

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reflecting different trends in the development of relations: the desire for unity ("odinachestvo") of the descendants of Kalita and at the same time each of them, first of all the Grand Duke, to expand the subject territory.

As the grand-ducal power grew stronger and the Grand Duchy of Moscow became a Russian state in the second half of the 15th century, the formula of redistribution became an anachronism and remained in the memory of Vasily the Dark only as a tribute to antiquity. After the death of the childless Yuri Dmitrovsky in 1472, his inheritance, the largest in the Grand Duchy of Moscow, was annexed to the lands of the Grand Duke and as such was liquidated, which caused a protest from the three remaining brothers - Andrey Uglitsky, Boris Volotsky and Andrey Vologda, who did not receive their share in the extortionate inheritance. The conflict was settled through the mediation of their mother, Maria Yaroslavna, who acted as an arbitrator in the family dispute.

The brothers received compensation: Boris - Vyshgorod, Andrey Uglitsky-Romanov (from the mother's lot), Andrey Vologodsky - Tarus 9 . In response, they pledged in the treaties of 1473 "not to enter" in the future and in the Dmitrov shire and in the future plans of the Grand Duke 10 . The treaties of 1473 are far from equal in nature and significantly differ from the previous completions. They require the appanage princes to renounce relations with each other without the Grand Duke's knowledge, to liquidate previous alliances ("with whom you will be in a kiss, and to whom you will add a kiss"), and do not include the article on arbitration in the event of a conflict with the Grand Duke. The treaties of 1473 were the success of Ivan III, who managed to achieve a significant reduction in the sovereignty of his brothers at the cost of minor concessions. But this success has not yet been decisive. Having preserved the appanages, they remained a political and military force, the center of attraction for all those dissatisfied with the tsntralizatorskoy policy of the Grand Duke.

The second reproach: "Who will eat away from him to them, and those who will eat without food, who did not consider their brother for the boyars." We are talking about the guarantee of the right of feudal departure. It was first formulated in the treaty of the sons of Ivan Kalita 11 and has since been repeated in all inter-princely completions up to the treaties of 1473. The right to leave is connected with the extraterritoriality of the military service of boyars and free servants: "And whoever serves the prince, no matter where he lives, is with the prince and goes to whom he serves" 12 . The fiefdoms of a boyar remain inviolable, no matter who he serves. This principle was the basis for the organization of the army during the period of feudal fragmentation. The right of free departure, inviolability of fiefdoms and extraterritoriality of service are a single set of rights of princely vassals, one of the foundations of the appanage system.

The third provision of Boris Volotsky's epistle concerned relations between the princes of the House of Moscow ("But the spiritual ones forgot their father, as we wrote, for 'what they should live for'). Their main principles were formulated by the sons of Kalita, when they kissed "the boundaries of the cross at the tomb of the Holy sepulchre", so that " we would be at the same time to the stomach. And the oldest's brother... honor your father's place. And give us to our brother (in the brotherhood-Yu. A.) " 13 . In the future, this formula is repeated in all princely contractual and ecclesiastical documents. Restoring traditional relations based on the relative equality of princes as sovereign owners of estates, agreeing among themselves on "odinachestvo" under the eldership of the elder brother - this is the ideal that Boris is drawn to. His demands can be considered as the political program of the appanage-princely circles of the period of the formation of the Russian centralized state. It was presented to the appanage princes as an extended patrimony of the Kalitichs, a collection of the Moscow House's appanages with their traditional political institutions.

The case of Ivan Lyk Obolensky and the program of Boris Volotsky are interrelated. Yesterday's sovereign prince, viceroy-feeder and vassal, who enjoys the right of free departure, does not accidentally find refuge and full understanding

9 PSRL. Vol. 24, p. 194.

10 DDG, N 69.

11 Ibid., No. 2, p. 13.

12 Ibid., No. 14, p. 40.

13 Ibid., No. 2, p. 11.

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from the appanage prince. Boyar vassalage was as natural as the sovereignty of appanages and the right of appanage princes to share ownership of Russia. But both are organically incompatible with a centralized state, with the court and the power of the Grand Duke over the entire Russian land. The trial of the Grand Duke over his viceroy could only be significant to the extent that the latter was not a voluntary vassal of the eldest of the princes of the Moscow house, but a subject of the sovereign of all Russia. Only under this condition, complaints of Lucians and Novgorodians, townspeople and villagers against their governors, posadniks and boyars could have real consequences, and the grand ducal government was able to implement a new judicial, administrative and social policy. Obolensky's "Case" and Boris Volotsky's program outline a clear watershed: on one side - offended Lucians and those who took the side they are protected by the Grand Duke, on the other - the "offended" governor and appanage prince. This confrontation exposes the socio-political meaning of subsequent events.

The message of Boris Volotsky meant a violation of the endings of 1473, his campaign to Uglich-the beginning of a feudal rebellion. Boris set out from Volok on February 1 , 1480. [14] Earlier, he had sent a wagon train with the princess and children to Rzhev, and on February 6, he arrived in Uglich, [15] having completed 200 km in five days. The beginning of his actions immediately became known in Moscow. The messenger to Ivan III, who was in Novgorod, was sent no later than February 1, because on February 13 he "vborze" returned to the capital. Apparently, the behavior of the Volotsk and Uglitsky princes had long inspired suspicion in the Moscow government, and it was vigilantly monitoring their actions. There were grounds for suspicion: As early as August 1479, the consecration of the Dormition Cathedral in the Kremlin was attended only by the Holy Hierarch. Andrey Menshoy (Vologda), despite his illness, but there was no Andrey Uglitsky or Boris Volotsky 16 .

The rebellious princes waited out the arrival of Ivan in Uglich. III to Moscow, and then went to Rzhev. From Uglich to Rzheva - about 200 kilometers. This distance could be covered by troops and baggage trains in 5-10 days. Consequently, by the 20th of February, the rebel forces were concentrated in Rzhev, located on the roads to Lithuania and Novgorod. Further movement of the rebels in any of these directions was dangerous for Moscow. In Novgorod, a conspiracy led by Vladyka Theophilus had just been uncovered, who did not want "Novgorod to be a grand duke, he wanted it to be for the king or for another sovereign" 17 . The head of the Novgorod oligarchy, accused of treason, was arrested on January 19, and sent to Moscow on January 24 . The struggle against Novgorod separatism has entered a new phase.

A difficult situation was also developing on the north-western borders. On January 1, the Order's war against Pskov began: German knights took Vyshgorod, and on January 20 they attacked Gdov. The city held out despite artillery fire, but its suburbs and parishes were burned out .19 At the request of the Pskov people, Ivan III sent a voivode from Novgorod to help them. Andrey Nail Nikitich Obolensky "with many forces". But after a successful campaign on Yuriev from 11 to 20 February, Nail Obolensky immediately "with all his strength went to Moscow", not heeding the petition of the Pskov people. The hasty action was most likely caused by the order of the Grand Duke, who was preparing to defend the capital in connection with the renewed feudal rebellion. 20
The tense situation was the reason for the peacefulness shown by the Moscow government at the first stage of events. It entered into negotiations with the rebels. The boyar A. M. Pleshcheyev was sent to Rzhev, but his mission failed. The princes did not send back ambassadors and refused to negotiate. "They did not return, but poidosha from Rzheva with the princesses and their boyars and the children of the boyars lutchy with their wives and snakes and people up the Volza to Novgorod-

14 PSRL. T. 18. SPb. 1913, p. 166.

15 Ibid., vol. 24, p. 198.

16 Ibid., vol. 25, p. 324.

17 Ibid., vol. 24, p. 198.

18 Ibid., vol. 18, p. 266.

19 Pskov Chronicles (PL). Vol. I. M.-L. 1941, pp. 76-77; vol. II. M. 1955, pp. 53,218-219.

20 Bazilevich K. V. Foreign policy of the Russian centralized state. The second half of the XV century Moscow, 1952, p. 131; Kazakova N. A. Russko-livonskie i russko-hanseiskie otnosheniya [Russian-Livonian and Russian-Hanseatic relations]. The end of the XIV-beginning of the XVI century. l. 1975, p. 158.

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skim volostem " 21 . The Pskov chronicler probably exaggerates when estimating the strength of the rebels ("as many as 20,000"). But it is legitimate to talk about several thousand people. The march of such a mass of armed men was a real disaster for the volosts through which their path lay, since they were "grabisha and plenisha, tokmo swords not sekosha" 22 . The movement to Novgorod was part of the initial plans of the rebels, who hoped to join the Novgorod separatists.

Despite the failure of Pleshcheyev's mission, the Moscow government continued negotiations. In pursuit of the rebels, Ivan III sent Archbishop Vassian of Rostov, the first person in the Russian Church after the metropolitan, which showed how seriously the situation was taken in Moscow. Vassian "drove them to Molvyatitsekh, and they went to Novugorod" 23, which was about 130 kilometers away. The threat of a breakthrough to the city has become real. However, by that time, there were changes in the plans of the rebellious princes: they agreed to negotiate "and sent with the archbishop to the Grand Duke of their boyars, Prince Vasily and Peter Mikitich Obolensky" 24, and also changed the direction of movement, "ottole sami poidosha to the Lithuanian border". The rebellious princes learned about the fate of Theophilus and were convinced that they could not count on the help of the separatists.

But the change of plans did not mean an end to the rebellion of the appanage princes. On the contrary, their actions took a more dangerous turn: "Stasha is in Luki, and x was sent to the king to manage their grievances with the grand Duke and help" 25 . The capture of Velikiye Luki and the appeal to Casimir is the culmination of events. "Luki was desolate without a trace, and many people wept and wept" 26, i.e., the appanage princes ruined the Lucians, on whose complaints the grand Duke came into conflict with his vassal. Feudal anarchy gave battle to the orders of the centralized state. And the appeal to the Polish king and the Lithuanian Grand Duke clearly outlined her foreign policy orientation.

After the death of Vasily the Dark, Casimir IV Jagiellonchik always opposed the Grand Duke of Moscow. The treaty of 1471 placed Novgorod under the rule of Casimir 27 . In addition, he entered into an alliance with the Khan of the Great Horde Akhmat, contributing to his invasion of Russia in the summer of 147228 . Under these circumstances, the rebels ' appeal to the King for help was an open call for intervention. The presence of the rebels on the Lithuanian border made it possible to connect them with the royal troops. In such a situation, the consent of the princes to negotiate with Moscow can only be regarded as a desire to gain time.

Vassian and the boyars of the rebellious princes arrived in Moscow between March 26 and April 1. However, the negotiations were inconclusive, and Ivan III "let the boyars go". The Moscow government still hoped for a peaceful outcome to the conflict, and on April 27, a third embassy headed by the same Vassian went to the rebels. It was composed of boyars V. F. Obraznik, V. B. Tuchko and clerk V. Mamyrev . During the month between the return of the second embassy and the departure of the third, a program of new negotiations was developed. In this connection, the chronicle reports that the rebellious princes from Luki "send to their mother, Grand Duchess Mary, and Metropolitan Terentius, so that they may grieve for the Grand Duke, so that the grand Prince may finally receive his brethren and give them an inheritance to his brother fatherland." 30 So, Princes Andrey Uglitsky and Boris Volotsky did not confine themselves to the official line, but turned to those members of the ruling elite on whose support they could, in their opinion, count.

21 PSRL. Vol. 24, p. 198.

22 PL. Vol. II, p. 60.

23 PSRL. Vol. 24, p. 198.

24 Ibid.

25 Ibid.

26 PL. Vol. II, p. 60.

27 Letters of Veliky Novgorod and Pskov, Moscow, 1949, No. 77, pp. 129-132; Vernadsky V. N. Novgorod and the Novgorod Land in the XV century, Moscow, 1961, pp. 270-272; Bazilevich K. V. UK. soch., pp. 91, 98.

28 PSRL. T. 24, p. 192.
29 Ibid., vol. 25, p. 326.

30 Ibid., vol. 26, Moscow, 1959, p. 263.

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The confrontation between Metropolitan Gerontius, the head of the conservative-clerical opposition, and Ivan III was long-lasting .31 The main reason lay in the restriction of the privileges of the church in the course of centralization. Turning to Maria Yaroslavna, the princes hoped for her favorable intervention, as evidenced by the well-informed, albeit biased, Sofia-Lviv chronicle.: "Prince the Great... a lot of dislike podrzha on the mother, mnek, because that zduma his brother will depart from him, ponezhe Prince Andrew velmi lyubyashe " 32 .

The" grieving " of the Metropolitan and the Grand Duchess affected the course of negotiations. The new embassy had specific proposals: "To Prince Andrey Daiuchi, to his father-in-law, and to his mother Denmark Kolug da Oleksin." Ivan III made concessions, trying to upset the rebel alliance with the Polish king. The Grand Duke was also alarmed by the news of the impending invasion of Akhmat. This explains the promise to give Andrey Kaluga in Aleksin-cities in the border zone on the possible direction of attack of the Horde hordes. Accepting such a proposal made Andrey an ally of Moscow.

However, this was a grant on the part of the Grand Duke, not a restoration of the sovereignty of the appanages: everything that could be done without changing the course of centralization was done to prevent feudal war and intervention. Maria Yaroslavna, for her part, asked the rebellious princes "to listen to the great Prince and not to go to Lithuania." 33 "Grieving" for all her sons, she supported the political line of Ivan III and turned to his younger brothers with admonitions.

The third embassy, "be bo spring and the way of istomen velmi", arrived in Luki only on 20 May 34 . Like the first two, it failed. The rebellious princes "did not listen to the Grand Duke in anything." The award of Kaluga and Aleksin did not satisfy them: they wanted a change in the overall situation. As for Casimir, he, true to his tactic of weakening Russia, avoiding open conflicts, "said nothing "(refused) to the rebels, although he gave their wives to "izbylishche" Vitebsk 35 . When the embassy arrived, the rebellious princes " thought highly and released the archbishop and boyars... with nothing " 36 . Only then did Ivan III refuse further peace proposals.

This decision was made despite the fact that "the godless tsar Akhmut Bolyniy Horde entered Russia" 37 . In the first days of June, Russian troops were deployed at the turn of the Oka River. The regiments of appanage princes were also in general formation: Andrey the Lesser of Vologda and Tarus, and Mikhail Andreevich of Vereysko and Belozersky, a great-uncle of the Grand Duke. The absence of the Uglitsky and Volotsky regiments reduced the fighting strength of the Russian army, but the feudal rebellion itself weakened the country even more.

Akhmat went to Russia, counting on the help of the king and "hearing that the brothers had retreated from the grand duke" 38 . By July, the failure of the rebels 'plans was determined, which forced them to look for ways to resume negotiations themselves:" Prince Andrew and Boris sent their people to beat Diakov with their brows." This apparently happened before July 23, when Ivan III marched to Kolomna. It was not the boyars who were sent, but the deacons. This means that the mission was not official, but just business in nature. Nevertheless, "O great prince, speak to them and do not accept their petitions." 39 The failure of the" petition " is explained by the hopelessness of the situation of the rebels.

Preoccupied with the story of Akhmat's invasion, Moscow chroniclers remain silent about the rebels until October 1480. Princes on Bows "stood all summer" 40 . Between

31 Lurie Ya. S. Ideological struggle in Russian Journalism of the late XV-early XVI centuries, Moscow, 1960, p. 58.

32 PSRL. Vol. 20, part I, p. 337.

33 Ibid., vol. 26, p. 263.

34 Ibid., vol. 24, p. 198.

35 V. D. Nazarov is probably right in assuming that Kazimir was interested in keeping the focus of feudal war in the territory of Russia (V. D. Nazarov, The End of the Golden Horde Yoke. - Voprosy istorii, 1980. N 10, p. 114).

36 PSRL. Vol. 25, p. 326.

37 Ibid.

38 PSRL. Vol. 18, p. 267; vol. 26, p. 263.

39 Ibid., vol. 24, p. 199,

40 Ibid., vol. 37, L. 1982, pp. 49, 94.

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In the spring and summer of 1480, Pskov's situation deteriorated sharply. The withdrawal of Russian troops to fight Akhmat and feudal strife eased the Order's aggression. On February 25, the magister approached Izborsk and set fire to its volosts, "and in Pskov you can see smoke and fire." On March 1, a battle of two sides took place on the Petsk Bay, and on March 5, the Order soldiers, with the help of artillery, took and burned the town of Kobyli, taking with them the inhabitants of the village . In the summer, the onslaught of the Order intensified. On August 18, Magister approached Izborsk with a large force, but was repulsed. Two days later, the Order detachments appeared at the walls of Pskov, which was heavily shelled. Appeals of the Pskov people for help to the Grand Duke were not successful: Moscow troops were deployed on the southern line.

All this time, Princes Andrew and Boris were in Luki. Only after the appeal of Pskov residents ("poslasha gontsina,.. to defend the city of Pskov"), their regiments, led to Velikiye Luki, took part in the defense of Russian lands from enemy troops. For the appanage princes, this was the last chance to save their face. They arrived in Pskov on September 3, when the Magister had already retreated, having exhausted his forces in the fighting until August 25 .42 But the war with the Order continued, so that the regiments of the princes could be used for conducting offensive operations. Pskov residents asked for this, but the princes, having stayed in Pskov for 10 days, why "Pskov was a lot of protorey", "not going to nemtsy, but going away from Pskov, and not doing anything good, and often robbing volosts". Pskov residents had to pay off the princes by "sending them 200 rubles" 43 .

The appanage princes turned out to be bad allies, and in response to the petition of the Pskov people about a campaign against the enemy, they set the condition: "When our wives deign to be here, then for my sake we will bury you" 44, i.e., the princes wanted to settle in Pskov. The townspeople understood the meaning of this demand, which led to a break with the Grand Duke, and, "thinking a lot", refused the rebels. It was then that the princes "became enraged and went from the city to the canon of the Vzdvizheniye", on September 13. They " stand on Meletovo, and disband in all volosts people of their own... like up to ten thousand. And so many parishes have been fought, like an infidel, and the houses of God have been robbed, and the cattle have been slaughtered a great deal, and the wives and maidens have been defiled, and the captives have been led away a great deal, but they have not left a single chicken to the cattle. " 45 According to the Pskov II Chronicle, the rebellious princes behaved like enemies in the Pskov volosts.

The biased Sofia-Lviv Chronicle treats the same events in the opposite sense, presenting Andrey and Boris as the saviours of Pskov .46 The facts show, however, that the retreat of the Order's forces did not depend on the arrival of the princes.

The decisive events of the summer and autumn of 1480 unfolded on the southern borders of the country. By the end of September, the direction of Akhmat's offensive became clear-bypassing the Russian defensive line along the Oka and through the Ugra, which separated the Russian state from the Russian lands under the jurisdiction of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The threat of connecting Kazimir with Akhmat has increased. Among the important measures carried out by the Moscow government was the completion of negotiations with the rebels (along with the regrouping of troops in the south-western direction, bringing cities to a state of siege and additional mobilization). Their ambassadors arrived in Moscow after September 30. The Grand Duke " favored his brothers because of the sorrow of his father, Metropolitan Gerontius, and his mother... and the Archbishop of Rostov Vassian and Prince Mikhail Andreevich, he dismissed their ambassadors, and ordered them to come to him in the morse. " 47
This signified the forgiveness and acceptance of the brothers under their leadership, which meant the end of the rebellion and the failure of plans for appanage separatism. The question of forgiveness

41 PL. Vol. I, p. 77; vol. II, p. 59, 221.

42 Ibid., vol. I, p. 78; vol. II, p. 61.

43 Ibid., vol. II, p. 222. According to the Pskov I Chronicle, only 20 rubles were given to the princes (Pl. Vol. I, p. 78).

44 PL. Vol. II. p. 61.

45 Ibid., pp. 61-62.

46 PSRL. Vol. 20, part I, p. 346.

47 Ibid., vol. 25, p. 327.

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it was decided at a meeting of the Grand Duke with the highest ranks of the state 48 . The reverse side of "forgiveness" is the capitulation of the rebels and their recognition of the power of the Grand Duke over themselves. The regiments of Princes Andrey Uglitsky and Boris Volotsky arrived at the position where Ivan III was located, just before the ice build-up on October 26. "Prince the Great with love will accept" brothers. In October 1480, an apparently verbal agreement was reached to end the rebellion and restore peace.

Already at the beginning of November, the former rebels were given a responsible assignment: during Akhmat's retreat from Ugra, a detachment of Amurtaza attacked the Zaoksky volosts of Konin and Nyukhovo; having received news of this, Ivan III "released his brothers, Prince Ondrey and Prince Boris and Prince Ondrey the Lesser with many of his voivodes." Having learned of the approach of the Russians, the enemy "ran away from the same night at early dawn", not having time to "create evil to that place" 49 . Now the appanage princes acted quickly and decisively.

The return of Russian troops to Moscow took place on 28 November 50 . Soon the final agreements were concluded, which consolidated the October agreements and summed up the feudal feuds. Completion was approved on February 2, 1481. The Grand Duke "granted Andrey Uglitsky... Mozhaisk with volostmi and z villages in the patrimony and in the lot, oprsche those villages and villages that I am served by the boyar and the Boyar's children." Boris Volotsky received the right of the village, given to him by his grandmother Maria Goltyaeva, " vedati and in vain and with tribute." In return, the appanage princes pledged to the Grand Duke "not to enter your fiefdom, Veliky Novgorod, or any other place in Naugorod, and to observe it, and not to offend." 51 Otherwise, the endings reproduce, with minor changes, the main provisions of the treaties of 1473, formulating the already existing unequal relations between the members of the Moscow princely House. 52 In general, the endings of 1481 can be considered as a new success of the central government. The appanages of KBYAZI were forced to abandon their demands and agree to resume exactly the relations that they had opposed at the beginning of 1480.

So, in a difficult year for Russia in 1480, the Moscow government managed to achieve the actual surrender of feudal separatists, which strengthened the Russian state, contributed to the victory on the Ugra River and the fall of the Horde yoke.

48 Ibid., vol. 24, p. 200.

49 Ibid., vol. 26, p. 274.

50 Ibid., vol. 30, Moscow, 1960, p. 137.

51 DDG, N 72, p. 258, 261; N 73, p. 272, 274.

52 Cherepnin L. V., Russian Feudal Archives, Part I. Moscow, 1948, pp. 167-174.

page 113


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